Transformation of Courtly and Urban Song Practice
The practice of courtly song changed significantly in the second half of the fifteenth century. It increasingly exchanged its formerly clerical foundation for a secular context oriented toward courtly life. While no comparable evidence survives from the court of Frederick III, it is well documented that Maximilian had already adopted the habit during his Burgundian years around 1480 of having chapel singers perform privately for him and his organist play for him. He evidently continued this practice into old age during his rule in southern Germany, albeit with different personnel. He even brought some musicians, such as the singer Philipp du Passaige, [I wouldn’t describe him as French. It seems that he was from the diocese of Cambrai, but this was not then part of France – in any case this diocese also covered much of Flanders.] with him from the Low Countries as trusted companions (“cantori et Commensali continuo”).[25] Maximilian employed his organist Paul Hofhaimer and his singers not only for official occasions but also for his own private entertainment, sometimes having them follow him in small ensembles on his constant travels, even to spa retreats (cf. also » D. Hofmusik. Innsbruck). The polyphonic song provided an ideal platform for his personal recreation, as well as for the smaller and larger gatherings of the mobile court. Thematically, love poetry in all its facets – ranging from declarations of affection to suggestive innuendo – predominated, accessible as it was to the middle and lower stylistic registers,[26] though moral instruction increasingly gained ground. This was counterbalanced by satirical content such as peasant satire, a popular motif at noble gatherings that not only provided amusement at costume balls and so-called Mummereien (masquerades), but also found expression in numerous songs of the time. It is no surprise that this environment spurred the composing chapel members to activity. The stationing of Habsburg chapel members in various cities of the Empire for months or years also blurred the boundaries between courtly and urban musical culture, allowing the court’s enthusiasm for song – originating with the ruler and his entourage – to spread into the patriciate and educated bourgeoisie of the cities. Economic prosperity, social advancement, and cultural ambition – as seen for example, in the circle of the Fuggers of Augsburg – or intellectual aspirations – as seen in the Amerbach family of Basel – combined with an increasingly relaxed and confident use of the German language to provide the cultural soil in which the flourishing genre could take root. As pure vocal music, as a small-scale art form adaptable for vocal and instrumental performance, and as a basis for lute and keyboard intabulations, it offered a wide-ranging repertoire suitable for various levels and life contexts. In particular, the urban youth, including students living in university colleges (bursae) or the young noble pages at court, were probably key target audiences.
The diligent production of single-sheet prints and song pamphlets, which began shortly before the turn of the century especially at the classic South German printing centres, also materially attests to the strong interest of broad segments of the population in singing songs, which presumably predated the development of this new medium. The dissemination of songs may have changed with the advent of this innovative medium. Collecting songs – possibly even just as printed texts – may have become an additional cultural practice, complementing the singing of songs, which undoubtedly remained central. The fact that songs were sung to specific, familiar melodies is vividly confirmed by the paratexts accompanying most song pamphlets. New song texts were offered with references to well-known melodies, such as “In dem Ton Ich stund an einem Morgen” (To the tune of Ich stund an einem Morgen). In this way, a not insignificant repertoire of melodies can be reconstructed – melodies that were evidently widely known at the time.
[25] A-Whh RR V (1489-1492): Wien, Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Reichsregister vol. V (1489–1492), fol. 60r.
[26] “Die situationsbasierten Thematisierungsverfahren lassen die Liebe vor allem als kulturelles Handeln in konventionalisierten Umständen erscheinen” (The situation-based methods of thematisation present love primarily as cultural action in conventionalised circumstances): Hübner 2013, 107.
[1] For example, So lanc so meer as So lang si mir (in I-TRbc 90, fol. 344v) or Een vraulic wesen as Ein frölich wesenn (in the songbook of Johannes Heer, CH-SGs Ms. 462, fol. 28v–30r).
[2] Binchois’ Dueil angoisseux becomes De langwesus in I-TRbc 88, fol. 204v, De langwesus; of the frottola line “Tente a l’ora, ruzinente, ch’io vo’ cantar” only “Dentelore” remains in the manuscript CH-Bu F X 1–4 (fol. 97), written by the Augsburg scribe Johann Wüst; a quodlibet from the Sagan partbooks (No. 118) quotes the songs Rabaßkadol and Panny, pany, baby (“Woman, woman, old woman”).
[4] These are RISM numbers 1512/1, 1513/2, [1513]/3, [1513]/3 (published in Mainz in 1517), and 1519]/5 (a woodcut reprint of a lost songbook originally published around 1510 in Augsburg, printed 1514/1515, see Schwindt 2008).
[5] On all three manuscripts, see Strohm 1993, 492–503.
[8] According to Strohm 1993, 519, and Strohm 2001, 23, the manuscript was originally in the possession of the choir school of St. Jakob, Innsbruck, whose members were employed for musical service at court. See also » G. Nicolaus Krombsdorfer.
[10] I-TRbc 89, fol. 388v–389r; I-Fn, B.R. 229, fol. 174v–175r; » Guter seltzamer und kunstreicher teutscher Gesangk; Nürnberg 1544, Nr. 8: “Heyaho nun wie sie grollen dort auff dem Ritten die geschwollen” in the Secunda pars, T. 76–85; textual reference at the beginning, bars 1–13: “Woll wir aber heben an den Danhauser zu singen” (DTÖ 147/148, 63 and 69 f.).
[11] Bienenfeld 1904/1905, 96, note 2.
[12] CH-Zz, Ms. G 438 (written c. 1524); Pfisterer 2013.
[13] A-Wn Mus.Hs. 18810 (c. 1524) and D-Mu, 8°Cod. ms. 328–331 (before 1527), also known as the “Welser Songbook”.
[14] Also known as the “Herwart” or “Augsburg Songbook”.
[15] Birkendorf 1994, vol. 1, 98.
[16] Schwindt 2013, 126–130.
[17] D-W, Cod. Guelf. 78.Quodl.4 (Southern Germany c. 1505); D-Mbs Mus. ms. 4483 (Southern Germany c. 1515); A-Wn Cod. 4337 (Vienna, early 1520s); D-W Cod. Guelf. 292 Musica hdschr. (Constance?, c. 1525).
[18] CH-Bu F X 10 (1510); CH-Bu F X 5–9 (Fascicle I: c. 1510); CH-Bu F X 1–4 (Fascicle I: c. 1517/1518, Fascicle II: c. 1524); CH-Bu F VI 26 (first quarter of the sixteenth century); CH-SGs Ms. 462 (1510–1516, 1530), also known as the “Heer Songbook”.
[19] See above note 4.
[20] RISM 1534/17: » Der erst teil. Hundert vnd ainundzweintzig newe Lieder…, hrsg. von Johann Ott, Nürnberg 1534.
[21] Sterl 1971, 24. Grünwald/Gruenwolt is documented as Persefant (under-herald) in Regensburg from 1483–1487.
[22] Grosch 2013, 48–54.
[23] A-Wn Cod. 3027 (Passau c. 1492–1494), fol. 174v–177r: “Von yppliklichen dingen”. Score reproduction in Curschmann 1970, 22 f.
[24] Quodlibet No. XX quotes the couplet “Da schalt sie jhn ein trollen, ein truncken vnd ein vollen” from the middle of the third Hesselloher stanza (Secunda pars, bars 133–137, rhythm corresponds to the song model, diastematic contour slightly modified, see DTÖ 147/148, 132).
[25] A-Whh RR V (1489-1492): Wien, Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Reichsregister vol. V (1489–1492), fol. 60r.
[26] “Die situationsbasierten Thematisierungsverfahren lassen die Liebe vor allem als kulturelles Handeln in konventionalisierten Umständen erscheinen” (The situation-based methods of thematisation present love primarily as cultural action in conventionalised circumstances): Hübner 2013, 107.
[27] The earliest available source for the polyphonic Elslein song is the Sagan partbooks (PL-Kj Berol. Mus.ms. 40098). There is indeed an earlier transmission from around 1455 in the form of a monophonic melody, but with a Latin text Gaudeamus pariter (CZ-Pnm Vysehrad 376, fol. 39v; digitised in the database Melodiarum hymnologicum Bohemiae: http://tinyurl.com/gaudeamuspariter). It is very likely – or at least possible – that this is a sacred contrafactum of the secular monophonic Elslein song, though this cannot yet be documented.
[28] The earliest sources for this popular song are a broadside print of the text by Albert Kunne (Memmingen, c. 1501, see http://tinyurl.com/Ich-stund-Kunne, metadata at http://tinyurl.com/Kunne-meta) uand a freely paraphrased adaptation of melodic elements under the text marker in the tenor “Ich stund an einem Morgen”, entered around 1499/1500 on fols. 221v–222r in the Berlin mensural codex D-B Mus. ms. 40021. Both suggest a widely known song melody, although no earlier written version is currently documented.
[29] D-B Ms. germ. oct. 280, fol. 48b–49b (Nr. 33): Ich sien den morgenssterren.
[30] Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv München, Geheimes Hausarchiv, 601, XXVI, letter from Duke Philipp to his father Wilhelm V dated 13.10.1593.
[31] On the history of the term, see Grosch 2013, 23–33. See also » B. Minnesang und alte Meister on the terminological tradition of “tenores”, which was initially not associated with polyphony.
[32] Complete transcription of both songs and further remarks in Strohm 1993, 496–499.
[34] Strohm 1989; Leverett 1995; Höink 2012. The overview should also include the Missa Ducis Saxsoniae Sing ich nit wol composed by Nicolas Champion dit Liegeois, whose song basis is already recorded before the South German manuscript D-WGl Lutherhalle Ms. 403/1048 (c. 1535/1536) in Bernhard Rem’s partbook setting D-Mu, 8°Cod. ms. 328–331 (before 1527).
[35] D-Mbs Mus. ms. 3154, fol. 53v: Tannhauser Ihr seid mir lieb (3v), fol. 151r: Veni creator spiritus, and Thanhauser jr seit mir lieb. Heidrich 2005, 54 ff.
[36] Klüpfel; Karl (ed.): Urkunden zur Geschichte des Schwäbischen Bundes (1488–1533), vol. 1, Stuttgart 1846, 24.
[37] On authorship, see Leverett 1995; on the musical style in the context of Frederick III, see Schmalz 1987; on the title, see Strohm 1989.
[38] Schwindt 2006, 51–56.
[40] See Schwindt 2013, 127 and 133.
[41] Edited in Adler/Koller 1900, 269. Further details on this song and its text in Schwindt 1999, 58–62.
[42] Hübner 2013, 107.
Recommended Citation:
Nicole Schwindt: “Lieder in der Region Österreich, ca. 1450–ca. 1520”, in: Musikleben des Spätmittelalters in der Region Österreich <https://musical-life.net/essays/lieder-der-region-osterreich-ca-1450-ca-1520> (2016).