A South German Humanist Correspondence
On June 8, 1506, Lorenz Beheim, a humanist scholar and cleric who, after a long period in papal service, from 1505 held a canonry at St. Stephen’s in Bamberg, sent a series of musical pieces to the well-known humanist and Nuremberg patrician Willibald Pirckheimer. Pirckheimer had spent many years in Italy for study purposes. He became a member of the city council of his hometown in 1496, and since 1500 belonged to the circle of advisors and confidants of Maximilian I.[33]
The correspondence between the two friends provides insight into the intense exchange of repertoire that took place around 1500 between European regions, between court and city, and also between professional and amateur musicians like Pirckheimer and Beheim.
Lorenz Beheim’s Letter to Willibald Pirckheimer. 1506. Junii 8. Babenbergae
Salve. Hodie lectis litteris tuis statim perquisivi libellos meos musicae et reperi, et ecce tibi mitto in uno quinternione II bassadanzas de Johann Maria et I zelor [sic] amoris Boruni. La prima bassa è una cosa troppo forte, perchè e doppia, et la 2a è simpia. In alio autem quinternione, cuius prima suprascriptio est “Alla bataglia“, è una bona cosa. Reperies caecus et ellas. Deinde la bassadanza de Augustino Trombone, qui est in curia regis Romani, et est satis bona e ligiera. Deinde est alia simplex bassa, quae potest pulsari in organis. Ex his omnibus colligas tibi unam, quae placeat. Et remitte mihi hos quinterniones omnino et expedias. Ego autem pulsavi aliam bassam et tibi etiam eam misissem, nisi tempus fuisset mihi nimis breve ad copiandum; mittam tamen.[34]
(Bamberg, June 8, 1506
Greetings. After reading your letter today, I immediately searched for and found my music books. I am sending you here in a booklet of five leaves two bassedanze by Johann Maria and a “zelor amoris” [Je loe amours] by Boruni. The first bassadanza is quite difficult because it is double, the second is simple.[35] In a second booklet of five leaves [there is] a first piece titled “Alla bataglia”, which is beautiful. You will also find “caecus” [non iudicat de coloribus] and “ellas” [Hélas …] in it; then a bassadanza by Augustin the Trombonist, who is at the court of the Roman king, and it is quite good and light; then another simple bassadanza that can be played on the organ. Choose one piece that you like from all of these. And return these booklets to me completely and quickly. I also played another bassadanza and would have sent it to you as well if I had not had too little time to copy it; I will send it later.)
Three weeks later, Beheim fulfilled his promise and sent additional bassedanze. The note that these were “ad XIII cordas” (for thirteen strings) but easily adaptable “ad XI cordas” (for eleven strings),[36] indicates that Beheim’s shipments consisted of lute pieces or arrangements of pieces for lutes with seven or six courses.
Only Beheim’s letters have survived, not the accompanying music booklets. However, most of the mentioned works are known thanks to a rich transmission in music manuscripts and prints: “Zelor amoris” is undoubtedly the famous and widely arranged chanson Je loe amours by Gilles Binchois,[37] “caecus” the frequently transmitted “instrumental fantasia” Cecus non iudicat de coloribus by Alexander Agricola, “A la battaglia” probably the eponymous song setting by Heinrich Isaac composed in Florence (» Hörbsp.♫ A la battaglia), and “Ellas” one of the numerous Franco-Flemish chansons beginning with “Hélas”, most probably the widely preserved and often arranged Hélas, que pourra by Firminus Caron.
The bassedanze sent by Beheim are unknown. If they are not lost, they might be among the many dances anonymously included in sixteenth-century lute music collections, although a precise identification is impossible. However, the “authors” of the bassedanze can be identified: “Augustino Trombone” is Schubinger, and “Johann Maria” is a lutenist also known as “Johannes Maria Dominici” and “Giovanni Maria Hebreo”, who was active in Florence, Rome and Urbino between 1492 and 1526[38]; he was also in contact with Ulrich and Augustin Schubinger.[39]
Grantley McDonald has considered the possibility that Beheim obtained the pieces by Agricola, Schubinger, and Isaac from Eberhardt Senft, a member of Maximilian’s chapel and like Beheim a cleric in Bamberg (at St. Jakob).[40] It is notable that Beheim refers to Schubinger as “Augustino Trombone”, using his Italian name; he also switches from Latin to Italian elsewhere. All the pieces were either widespread in Italy (this applies to the French chansons as well as to Cecus) and/or composed by musicians active there or originating there. It is thus equally conceivable that Beheim, who had returned to his German homeland from Rome only a few years earlier in 1503, brought the collection back from Italy himself. Regardless of that, Beheim’s booklets, with their mix of chansons, an instrumental fantasia and dances, can be seen as typical of the repertoire used by a professional lutenist like Schubinger around 1500.
Besause of Beheim’s mention of the “bassadanza de Augustino Trombone”, Schubinger is sometimes referred to as a “composer” in the literature. However, it would be a gross simplification to imagine the “composer” Schubinger according to a common modern notion as someone who conceived and notated a piece of music at a desk before it was performed in a second step. Given an instrumental music culture characterised by various transitions and overlaps between orality and literacy, between the use of pre-existing material and the flexible handling of given material, other scenarios are conceivable and even more likely. The starting point could have been a piece originally improvised by Schubinger, which was later notated, not necessarily by him. It is also possible that Schubinger relied on a template (created by whoever and in whatever form) but that his version became widespread and eventually circulated under his name.
[33] For Pirckheimer’s biography see: http://www.pirckheimer-gesellschaft.de/html/will_car.html.
[34] Edition in: Willibald Pirckheimers Briefwechsel, Vol. 1, edited by Emil Reicke (Publications of the Commission for the Study of the History of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation. Humanist Letters 4), Munich 1940, p. 371.
[35] This could refer to the distinction between two-part and one-part bassedanze (in the terminology of contemporary French dance literature basses danses mineurs and majeurs).
[36] Letter of June 29, 1506, edited in: Willibald Pirckheimers Briefwechsel, Vol. 1, edited by Emil Reicke (Publications of the Commission for the Study of the History of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation. Humanist Letters 4), Munich 1940, p. 380. See also Meyer 1981, 62–64 on this correspondence.
[37] Nothing more precise can be determined about “Boruni”, the arranger, i.e., probably the intabulator of Binchois’ composition. Perhaps it is an older relative of the Milanese lutenist Pietro Paolo Borrono, born around 1490 and renowned in the mid-sixteenth century.
[39] This emerges from a remark in Ulrich’s letter to Lorenzo de’ Medici (» G. Ch. Schubinger, Lorenzo de’ Medici and Isaac), stating that Ulrich had waited in vain for his brother and “Zoani Maria che suona el liuto” in Ferrara.
[40] McDonald 2019, 13–14.
[1] From Schubinger’s service record of 1514 ( » Abb. Schubingers Dienstrevers 1514).
[2] See for example D-Asa Baumeisterbücher, Vol. 89 (1495), fol. 17r; Vol. 90 (1496), fol. 17r; Vol. 93 (1499), fol. 22v.
[3] Grassl 1999, 208, referring to Wessely 1956, 130–134. See also the documents from 1514, according to which Schubinger was employed as a “Posaunist” (trombonist), although at that time he also, if not primarily, appeared as a cornettist.
[4] D-Asa Baumeisterbücher, Vol. 80 (1487), fol. 65r.
[5] D-Asa Baumeisterbücher, Vol. 82 (1489), fol. 66r; Vol. 84 (1490), fol. 68r; Vol. 89 (1495) [no fol.]; Vol. 90 (1496), fol. 90r. Diettel also distinguished himself from the other city pipers by occasionally receiving a slightly higher salary (40 or 44 fl. instead of the usual 36 fl.).
[6] D-Asa Baumeisterbücher, Vol. 81 (1488), fol. 16r.
[7] Cf. McGee 1999, 731–732; McGee 2008, 166–168.
[8] D-Asa Baumeisterbücher, Vol. 55 (1457), fol. 112v, online: https://lod.academy/bmb/id/bmb-bm-03uw/1.
[9] McGee 2000, 215–216.
[11] Grassl 2019, 223 and 231–234.
[12] Polk 1994a, 210.
[13] B-Baeb Algemeen Rijksarchief / Archives générales du Royaume, V132–41287 (Stads Rekeningen Mechelen 1507/1508), fol. 211r; V132–41291, (Stads Rekeningen Mechelen 1511/1512) fol. 209v; Protocol of the Constance Cathedral Chapter 1510: “ex parte Augustini lutiniste domini Cesaris” (see Krebs 1956, 24, no. 4091); D-Nsa Reichsstadt Nürnberg, Losungsamt, Stadtrechnungen 181, fol. 617v: “Item ij gulden dem Augustin K mt lautenisst zu Juliane anno 1517”.
[14] See Polk 1989a, 496, 500, and 502; McGee 2000, 215; Prizer 1981, 163; further examples in Polk 1989c, 526–527, 542–543; Polk 1990, 196–197; McGee 2005, 149–150; McGee 2008, 210–212.
[15] Although polyphonic lute playing was possible to some extent with plectrum technique. See Lewon 2007. Cf. » Instrumentenmuseum Laute.
[17] » I. Ch. “Musica Lauten und Rybeben”; Nedden 1932/1933, 26–27; Ernst 1945, 222–223; Polk 1992b, 86; Polk 1994b, 407; Schwindt 2018c, 275–276.
[18] B-Baeb Algemeen Rijksarchief / Archives générales du Royaume, V132–41287 (Stads Rekeningen Mechelen 1507/1508), fol. 211r. For Lenaert (or “Lionhardt”) see the references in Polk 1992b, 86–87; Polk 2001a, 93–94; Polk 2005a, 64 and 66.
[19] Polk 1992a, 73–75; Polk 1987, 180; specifically for Nuremberg cf. Green 2005, 13.
[20] Depiction of the choir wagon in the Triumphzug (» Abb. Triumphzug Kantorei.).
[21] See the compilation of evidence in Grassl 2019, 230–246.
[22] See, in addition to the evidence mentioned in » G. Augustin Schubinger (English), note 57, 58, 61, also the minutes of the Constance Cathedral Chapter 1510: “ex parte Augustini lutiniste domini Cesaris. Als derselb Augustini etlich tag im chor zur orgel vnd den sengern uff dem zingken geblausen hat, ist capitulariter conclusum, im zu erunge 2 fl. zeschencken” (see Krebs 1956, 24, no. 4091).
[23] Cochlaeus 1512, 90–91.
[24] Grassl 2017, 347–349 and 357–358; Grassl 2019, 217–221 and 227–228.
[25] Nedden 1932/1933, 28; Wessely 1956, 85, 88, 101–103, and 108–111; Polk 1992b, 86. Cf. in particular the “collective” or “group entries” in: D-Asa Baumeisterbücher, Vol. 97 (1503), fol. 28r: “Item x guldin Ko mayt. Busanern dero fünffe”; Vol. 98 (1504), fol. 26r: “It. viij gulden Jörigen Holland, Jorigen Eyselin, Hannsen Stevdlin vnd Vlrich Vellen Kö. mayt. Busaunern”.
[26] Polk 1992a, 109; Green 2011, 20.
[27] See the entries in the Nördlingen account books of 1506 and 1507 (» Abb. Zahlung der Stadt Nördlingen an Schubinger, 8. Juni 1506), as well as » G. Augustin Schubinger (English), note 67.
[28] Henning 1987, 87 (plate 183), 90 (plate 211), 94 (plate 255).
[29] Fundamentally Polk 1992a, 169–213; see also Gilbert 2005; Neumeier 2015, 273–290.
[30] For an overview of instrumental music-making around 1500 see Coelho/Polk 2016, insb. 189–225; Grassl 2013.
[32] Cf. from the extensive literature on this repertoire only Polk 1997; Strohm 1992; Jickeli 1996; Banks 2006.
[33] For Pirckheimer’s biography see: http://www.pirckheimer-gesellschaft.de/html/will_car.html.
[34] Edition in: Willibald Pirckheimers Briefwechsel, Vol. 1, edited by Emil Reicke (Publications of the Commission for the Study of the History of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation. Humanist Letters 4), Munich 1940, p. 371.
[35] This could refer to the distinction between two-part and one-part bassedanze (in the terminology of contemporary French dance literature: basses danses mineurs and majeurs).
[36] Letter of June 29, 1506, edited in: Willibald Pirckheimers Briefwechsel, Vol. 1, edited by Emil Reicke (Publications of the Commission for the Study of the History of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation. Humanist Letters 4), Munich 1940, p. 380. See also Meyer 1981, 62–64 on this correspondence.
[37] Nothing more precise can be determined about “Boruni”, the arranger, i.e., probably the intabulator of Binchois’ composition. Perhaps he was an older relative of the Milanese lutenist Pietro Paolo Borrono, born around 1490 and renowned in the mid-sixteenth century.
[39] This emerges from a remark in Ulrich’s letter to Lorenzo de’ Medici (» G. Ch. Schubinger, Lorenzo de’ Medici and Isaac), stating that Ulrich had waited in vain for his brother and “Zoani Maria che suona el liuto” in Ferrara.
[40] McDonald 2019, 13–14.
[41] See especially Birkendorf 1994, Vol. 1, 97–101; Schwindt 2018c, 542–545; see also Brinzing 1998, Vol. 1, 137–150; » B. Kap. Aufschwung der Liedkunst; » D. Zur musikalischen Quellenlage.
[42] This was either Jakob Hurlacher the Elder, who served as an Augsburg city piper from 1495 to 1530 (not just from 1508, as regularly claimed in the literature; see the entries in D-Asa Baumeisterbücher), or Jakob Hurlacher the Younger, who was a member of the Augsburg wind ensemble from 1502 to 1506 and from 1509 to 1517.
[43] See in detail Brinzing 1998, Vol. 1, 151–154; Neumeier 2015, 252–254.
[44] Brinzing 1998, Vol. 1, 150.
[45] Polk 1991, 158; see also Filocamo 2009. Consequently, Polk’s speculation that the “Mantüane[r] dantz” could be identical to one of the bassedanze sent by Beheim (cf. » H. Ch. A South German Humanist Correspondence) and therefore Schubinger or Giovanni Maria Ebreo its “composer” is purely speculative.
[46] Schwindt 2018c, 280.
[47] Schwindt 2018c, 280; see also Birkendorf 1994, Vol. 1, 184.
[48] Schwindt 2018c, 120–124.
[49] Unterholzner 2015, especially. 79–89, 96–98; Schwindt 2018c, 73–76.
[50] Cf. Lütteken 2010 LIT, 20–21; Polk 2001b; Schwindt 2018c, 20–24.
[51] Besides Schubinger, these include the organist Paul Hofhaimer, the lutenist Albrecht Morhanns, the trombonists Hans Neuschel and Hans Steudl, and the piper Anton Dornstetter. See the relevant image program texts in Schestag 1883, 155 and 158–160.
Recommended Citation:
Markus Grassl: „Instrumentale Musikpraxis im Lebensbereich Augustin Schubingers (ca. 1460–1531/32)“, in: Musikleben des Spätmittelalters in der Region Österreich <https://musical-life.net/essays/instrumentale-musikpraxis-im-lebensbereich-augustin-schubingers-ca-1460-153132> (2023).