Schubinger and the Cornett
Schubinger is explicitly mentioned as a cornett player only in sources after his time in Florence. Based on this, and the fact that Giovanni Cellini, a Florentine piffaro between 1480 and 1514, played the cornett and taught his (much more famous) son Benvenuto,[9] Keith Polk concluded that Schubinger might have mastered this instrument during his stay in Italy.[10] Although this cannot be definitively ruled out, considering the overall evidence for the early appearance of the cornett, it becomes clear that the instrument had already gained a foothold in the German-speaking world by the late fifteenth century, whereas it seems to have become more wide-spread in Italy only after the turn of the sixteenth century.[11] ( »H. Zink / Cornett). Against this background, it is also conceivable that Schubinger had already come into contact with the cornett in Augsburg, even if there is no direct evidence for this.
Apparently, the cornett was the instrument on which Schubinger primarily excelled from around 1500 (which would justify his reputation, today, as “the first truly famous virtuoso on the instrument [i.e. the cornett]”[12]). It was not uncommon in the fifteenth century for a professional musician to focus primarily on one of the instruments they mastered. There are indications that within alta ensembles, individual players specialised in a specific instrument and thus a specific voice (as was the case with Schubinger as the trombonist of the Augsburg and Florentine wind ensembles). Adding to this, the impression that in later times Schubinger’s preferred instrument was solely the cornett is based on prominent sources such as Lalaing’s travel description or the Triumphzug, which refer to music-making in representative and public contexts. However, payment records from Mechelen, Konstanz and Nuremberg from 1508 to 1517 repeatedly refer to Schubinger as “lutinista domini Cesaris”, “luytslager vanden keyser”, and so forth.[13] The fact that he was still perceived as a lute player suggests that he still played this instrument. He may have primarily played it in informal settings, which did not leave a mark in prominent sources intended for the genral public.
[9] McGee 2000, 215–216.
[11] Grassl 2019, 223 and 231–234.
[12] Polk 1994a, 210.
[13] B-Baeb Algemeen Rijksarchief / Archives générales du Royaume, V132–41287 (Stads Rekeningen Mechelen 1507/1508), fol. 211r; V132–41291, (Stads Rekeningen Mechelen 1511/1512) fol. 209v; Protocol of the Constance Cathedral Chapter 1510: “ex parte Augustini lutiniste domini Cesaris” (see Krebs 1956, 24, no. 4091); D-Nsa Reichsstadt Nürnberg, Losungsamt, Stadtrechnungen 181, fol. 617v: “Item ij gulden dem Augustin K mt lautenisst zu Juliane anno 1517”.
[1] From Schubinger’s service record of 1514 ( » Abb. Schubingers Dienstrevers 1514).
[2] See for example D-Asa Baumeisterbücher, Vol. 89 (1495), fol. 17r; Vol. 90 (1496), fol. 17r; Vol. 93 (1499), fol. 22v.
[3] Grassl 1999, 208, referring to Wessely 1956, 130–134. See also the documents from 1514, according to which Schubinger was employed as a “Posaunist” (trombonist), although at that time he also, if not primarily, appeared as a cornettist.
[4] D-Asa Baumeisterbücher, Vol. 80 (1487), fol. 65r.
[5] D-Asa Baumeisterbücher, Vol. 82 (1489), fol. 66r; Vol. 84 (1490), fol. 68r; Vol. 89 (1495) [no fol.]; Vol. 90 (1496), fol. 90r. Diettel also distinguished himself from the other city pipers by occasionally receiving a slightly higher salary (40 or 44 fl. instead of the usual 36 fl.).
[6] D-Asa Baumeisterbücher, Vol. 81 (1488), fol. 16r.
[7] Cf. McGee 1999, 731–732; McGee 2008, 166–168.
[8] D-Asa Baumeisterbücher, Vol. 55 (1457), fol. 112v, online: https://lod.academy/bmb/id/bmb-bm-03uw/1.
[9] McGee 2000, 215–216.
[11] Grassl 2019, 223 and 231–234.
[12] Polk 1994a, 210.
[13] B-Baeb Algemeen Rijksarchief / Archives générales du Royaume, V132–41287 (Stads Rekeningen Mechelen 1507/1508), fol. 211r; V132–41291, (Stads Rekeningen Mechelen 1511/1512) fol. 209v; Protocol of the Constance Cathedral Chapter 1510: “ex parte Augustini lutiniste domini Cesaris” (see Krebs 1956, 24, no. 4091); D-Nsa Reichsstadt Nürnberg, Losungsamt, Stadtrechnungen 181, fol. 617v: “Item ij gulden dem Augustin K mt lautenisst zu Juliane anno 1517”.
[14] See Polk 1989a, 496, 500, and 502; McGee 2000, 215; Prizer 1981, 163; further examples in Polk 1989c, 526–527, 542–543; Polk 1990, 196–197; McGee 2005, 149–150; McGee 2008, 210–212.
[15] Although polyphonic lute playing was possible to some extent with plectrum technique. See Lewon 2007. Cf. » Instrumentenmuseum Laute.
[17] » I. Ch. “Musica Lauten und Rybeben”; Nedden 1932/1933, 26–27; Ernst 1945, 222–223; Polk 1992b, 86; Polk 1994b, 407; Schwindt 2018c, 275–276.
[18] B-Baeb Algemeen Rijksarchief / Archives générales du Royaume, V132–41287 (Stads Rekeningen Mechelen 1507/1508), fol. 211r. For Lenaert (or “Lionhardt”) see the references in Polk 1992b, 86–87; Polk 2001a, 93–94; Polk 2005a, 64 and 66.
[19] Polk 1992a, 73–75; Polk 1987, 180; specifically for Nuremberg cf. Green 2005, 13.
[20] Depiction of the choir wagon in the Triumphzug (» Abb. Triumphzug Kantorei.).
[21] See the compilation of evidence in Grassl 2019, 230–246.
[22] See, in addition to the evidence mentioned in » G. Augustin Schubinger (English), note 57, 58, 61, also the minutes of the Constance Cathedral Chapter 1510: “ex parte Augustini lutiniste domini Cesaris. Als derselb Augustini etlich tag im chor zur orgel vnd den sengern uff dem zingken geblausen hat, ist capitulariter conclusum, im zu erunge 2 fl. zeschencken” (see Krebs 1956, 24, no. 4091).
[23] Cochlaeus 1512, 90–91.
[24] Grassl 2017, 347–349 and 357–358; Grassl 2019, 217–221 and 227–228.
[25] Nedden 1932/1933, 28; Wessely 1956, 85, 88, 101–103, and 108–111; Polk 1992b, 86. Cf. in particular the “collective” or “group entries” in: D-Asa Baumeisterbücher, Vol. 97 (1503), fol. 28r: “Item x guldin Ko mayt. Busanern dero fünffe”; Vol. 98 (1504), fol. 26r: “It. viij gulden Jörigen Holland, Jorigen Eyselin, Hannsen Stevdlin vnd Vlrich Vellen Kö. mayt. Busaunern”.
[26] Polk 1992a, 109; Green 2011, 20.
[27] See the entries in the Nördlingen account books of 1506 and 1507 (» Abb. Zahlung der Stadt Nördlingen an Schubinger, 8. Juni 1506), as well as » G. Augustin Schubinger (English), note 67.
[28] Henning 1987, 87 (plate 183), 90 (plate 211), 94 (plate 255).
[29] Fundamentally Polk 1992a, 169–213; see also Gilbert 2005; Neumeier 2015, 273–290.
[30] For an overview of instrumental music-making around 1500 see Coelho/Polk 2016, insb. 189–225; Grassl 2013.
[32] Cf. from the extensive literature on this repertoire only Polk 1997; Strohm 1992; Jickeli 1996; Banks 2006.
[33] For Pirckheimer’s biography see: http://www.pirckheimer-gesellschaft.de/html/will_car.html.
[34] Edition in: Willibald Pirckheimers Briefwechsel, Vol. 1, edited by Emil Reicke (Publications of the Commission for the Study of the History of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation. Humanist Letters 4), Munich 1940, p. 371.
[35] This could refer to the distinction between two-part and one-part bassedanze (in the terminology of contemporary French dance literature: basses danses mineurs and majeurs).
[36] Letter of June 29, 1506, edited in: Willibald Pirckheimers Briefwechsel, Vol. 1, edited by Emil Reicke (Publications of the Commission for the Study of the History of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation. Humanist Letters 4), Munich 1940, p. 380. See also Meyer 1981, 62–64 on this correspondence.
[37] Nothing more precise can be determined about “Boruni”, the arranger, i.e., probably the intabulator of Binchois’ composition. Perhaps he was an older relative of the Milanese lutenist Pietro Paolo Borrono, born around 1490 and renowned in the mid-sixteenth century.
[39] This emerges from a remark in Ulrich’s letter to Lorenzo de’ Medici (» G. Ch. Schubinger, Lorenzo de’ Medici and Isaac), stating that Ulrich had waited in vain for his brother and “Zoani Maria che suona el liuto” in Ferrara.
[40] McDonald 2019, 13–14.
[41] See especially Birkendorf 1994, Vol. 1, 97–101; Schwindt 2018c, 542–545; see also Brinzing 1998, Vol. 1, 137–150; » B. Kap. Aufschwung der Liedkunst; » D. Zur musikalischen Quellenlage.
[42] This was either Jakob Hurlacher the Elder, who served as an Augsburg city piper from 1495 to 1530 (not just from 1508, as regularly claimed in the literature; see the entries in D-Asa Baumeisterbücher), or Jakob Hurlacher the Younger, who was a member of the Augsburg wind ensemble from 1502 to 1506 and from 1509 to 1517.
[43] See in detail Brinzing 1998, Vol. 1, 151–154; Neumeier 2015, 252–254.
[44] Brinzing 1998, Vol. 1, 150.
[45] Polk 1991, 158; see also Filocamo 2009. Consequently, Polk’s speculation that the “Mantüane[r] dantz” could be identical to one of the bassedanze sent by Beheim (cf. » H. Ch. A South German Humanist Correspondence) and therefore Schubinger or Giovanni Maria Ebreo its “composer” is purely speculative.
[46] Schwindt 2018c, 280.
[47] Schwindt 2018c, 280; see also Birkendorf 1994, Vol. 1, 184.
[48] Schwindt 2018c, 120–124.
[49] Unterholzner 2015, especially. 79–89, 96–98; Schwindt 2018c, 73–76.
[50] Cf. Lütteken 2010 LIT, 20–21; Polk 2001b; Schwindt 2018c, 20–24.
[51] Besides Schubinger, these include the organist Paul Hofhaimer, the lutenist Albrecht Morhanns, the trombonists Hans Neuschel and Hans Steudl, and the piper Anton Dornstetter. See the relevant image program texts in Schestag 1883, 155 and 158–160.
Recommended Citation:
Markus Grassl: „Instrumentale Musikpraxis im Lebensbereich Augustin Schubingers (ca. 1460–1531/32)“, in: Musikleben des Spätmittelalters in der Region Österreich <https://musical-life.net/essays/instrumentale-musikpraxis-im-lebensbereich-augustin-schubingers-ca-1460-153132> (2023).