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Josquin’s and Isaac’s ‘1476’ compositions

Ian Rumbold and Reinhard Strohm

A few of Noblitt’s copying dates in the Leopold codex conflicted with the prevailing historiography of the music. As it happens, some of this music was copied on papers (WM 6 and 16/17) which deviate in the codex from the chronology of the paper manufacture (see gatherings 14-17 in » Abb. Synopsis). 

       Josquin researchers could not believe that his Ave Maria…virgo serena (no. 79, gathering 15) might have been copied as early as c.1476: the work was formerly thought to date from the 1490s, while more recently it has been assumed to be from the 1480s and in a ‘Milanese’ motet style – yet the composer is not documented in Milan before 1484. Joshua Rifkin has painstakingly analysed the handwriting chronology, arriving at the solution that the copy of Josquin’s motet was an addition of the 1480s, by which time scribe ‘A’ had reverted to an earlier form of his custos.[38]    

        Nevertheless, a copying date in the 1480s could even be defended for the entire sequence of gatherings 14-17: although these gatherings consist of older paper (WM 6 and 16/17), they are placed outside the ‘correct’ chronology of paper dates here, so that the possibility of their having been inscribed some eight years after manufacture cannot be dismissed. Gathering 17 is followed in the codex by a unit of a much later date (gathering 18, WM 18: 1506-07), arbitrarily inserted here at the end of the first section of the codex (» Kap. Genres and composers), and following this, the second section of the codex begins on papers datable 1487-88: thus gatherings 14-17 lack a terminus ante quem which would fix their copying date before c.1487. If the entire gathering sequence 14-17 remained unused paper until the early 1480s, Rifkin’s handwriting chronology would not even be necessary to defend a copying date of c.1484 for Josquin’s motet. It seems more likely, however, that gatherings 14-17 were indeed inscribed in c.1476-78 but inserted in the codex later, placed outside the chronology of the paper dates,[39] and that Ave Maria…virgo serena (no. 79) and O propugnator miserorum (no. 80) were then added on empty pages in the 1480s.

            A different argument applies to three motets by Henricus Isaac which occupy the end of gathering 7 (WM 6: 1476), within the ‘correct’ order of the paper dates. The third motet, Inviolata integra, is incomplete at the end, as a subsequent gathering is lost. More music by Isaac may have followed at this point. Gathering 8 is a late insertion; thus the terminus ante quem for the Isaac motets is gathering 9, mainly consisting of the same 1476 paper as gathering 7.

It so happens that the earliest known document for Isaac’s biography concerns his presence at Innsbruck in September 1484,[40] when he was paid for services rendered as ‘componist’ to the Tyrolean court (probably at least during Archduke Siegmund’s wedding in February of that year).[41] Unless we hypothesise that scribe ‘A’ added the three Isaac motets (and possibly more music by him in the next gathering) all as late additions within the original sequence of the manuscript,[42] the date of c.1476 for these copies should be maintained. Thus Isaac’s motets reached Innsbruck well before the composer himself in 1484, whether during an earlier visit or through copies coming from elsewhere, perhaps through a patron linked to the compilers of the codex.[43]

[38] Rifkin 2003, 285-6 and 300-1. Ave Maria…virgo serena is placed near the end of gathering 15 (WM 17: 1476-78); it is followed there only by an even later addition (in a different hand), the anonymous motet O propugnator miserorum, addressing Margrave Leopold III of Austria (canonised 1485), on which see » F. SL Die Motette O propugnator miserorum. The position of the motet in Josquin’s oeuvre and the possibility of its having been written outside Milan is discussed in Fallows 2009, 60-61 and 118-19.

[39] Thus Noblitt 1974, 45.

[40] Staehelin 1977II, 19.

[41] See » I. Kap. Three early motets (David Burn), and Strohm 1997.

[42] For Rifkin 2003, 300 and 301 n. 124, these copies belong to a later stage of the main scribal hand, but the paleographical evidence seems overstated.

[43] Strohm 1997 suggests that Isaac did have contact with ‘Germanic’ idioms as they appear in these works before 1484, but that he also disseminated these idioms to other central European musicians.