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Joyeuses Entrées in the Low Countries

Margret Scharrer
  • The Tradition of the Joyeuses Entrées (Ceremonial Entries)

    Joyeuses entrées[1] are generally understood as the inaugural entries carried out by a ruler in the territories under their control following their assumption of power or elevation of rank.These were rituals that took place after declarations of legal majority and the associated accessions to rule, after royal and imperial coronations, the assumption of governorships, or marriages. Among the outstanding late‑medieval entry festivities in the Low Countries, which were part of the Holy Roman Empire, were the reception of the bride Joanna I of Castile, consort of Philip the Fair, in Brussels in 1496, and the entry of Archduke Charles, the future King of the Romans and Holy Roman Emperor, on the occasion of his coming of age in Bruges in 1515 (see Fig. Archduke Charles before Bruges, 1515; » D. Ch. Printed Polyphonic Praises). These were remarkable because they were among the first to be documented on a large scale in visual form. Like Joanna and Charles, Maximilian I and his children Philip and Margaret had also been welcomed by their Netherlandish subjects with magnificent joyeuses entrées (» D. Music for a Royal Entry, » I. Kap. The arrival of Bianca Maria Sforza)im großen Stil auch bildlich dokumentiert – gehören der Brautempfang Johannas I. von Kastilien, Gemahlin Philipps des Schönen, in Brüssel 1496 sowie der Einzug Erzherzog Karls, des zukünftigen römisch-deutschen Königs und Kaisers, anlässlich seiner Majorennität 1515 in Brügge (siehe » Abb. Erzherzog Karl vor Brügge, 1515; » D. Kap. Gedrucktes mehrstimmiges Herrscher- und Marienlob). Doch nicht nur Johanna und Karl, sondern auch Maximilian I. und dessen Kinder Philipp und Margarete wurden von den niederländischen Untertanen durch prächtige Joyeuses entrées willkommen geheißen (» D. Music for a Royal Entry, » I. Kap. The arrival of Bianca Maria Sforza).[2]

    Abb. Erzherzog Karl vor Brügge, 1515 / Fig. Archduke Charles in Bruges, 1515

    Erzherzog Karl, Sohn Philipps des Schönen, bei seiner Joyeuse entrée in Brügge, 1515. Remy du Puys: Solemnelle entrée faicte sur l’advenement de Charles Archidux d’Autriche en Bruges 1515, © A-Wn, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 2591, fol. 7v. https://digital.onb.ac.at/RepViewer/viewer.faces?doc=DTL_6449837&order=1… /

    Archduke Charles, son of Philip the Handsome, at his Joyeuse entrée in Bruges, 1515. Remy du Puys: Solemnelle entrée faicte sur l’advenement de Charles Archidux d’Autriche en Bruges 1515, © A-Wn, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 2591, fol. 7v. https://digital.onb.ac.at/RepViewer/viewer.faces?doc=DTL_6449837&order=1…

     

    Most of the Habsburg rulers, both male and female, experienced this ritual several times during their lifetimes and reigns. Thus, in Maximilian’s case, an entire series of joyeuses entrées can be identified following key stages of his life: his marriage to Mary of Burgundy (1477), his assumption of guardianship for his son Philip after the death of his wife Mary (1482) and his coronations as King of the Romans (1486) and Holy Roman Emperor (1508).

     The Burgundian chronicler Jean Molinet describes Maximilian’s series of entries in the Low Countries following his coronation as King of the Romans in Aachen in 1486, journeys which he undertook partly in the company of his father Frederick III and his son Philip (» D. Ch. Emperor Friedrich III and Archduke Maximilian 1485/86: Reunion – Royal Election – Journey to the Netherlands). He reports that particular efforts were devoted to the preparations, since for the towns it represented a novelty “to receive a king as lord”. In Brussels, which Maximilian entered for the first time alone on 10 July, the population welcomed him with an extensive festive programme.[3] Between forty and fifty biblical stories and moralities” were to be seen there, ephemeral festival constructions in the form of triumphal arches were erected at all entrances to the market square, and houses, streets, and squares were adorned with precious cloths and tapestries. Molinet places particular emphasis on the illuminations, which not only during the entry itself but also throughout the following six or seven nights bathed Brussels’ market square in light as bright as day. The various festive pleasures, he explains, increased many times over during the several days of celebration.[4]

    Alongside the special form of inaugural entries, however, there also existed a wide variety of other types of processional entry rituals, which are not normally referred to as joyeuses entrées. These include, for example, all manner of reception rituals in everyday political life, such as those that were routine owing to the rulers’ constant travels, as well as prominent receptions on the occasion of military triumphs, meetings of rulers or diets of the Empire, and other political and diplomatic gatherings. All of these possess a long tradition, whose origins can be traced back to antiquity. Ancient, mythological, and biblical concepts all contributed equally to the idea of the joyeuse entrée and decisively shaped both the understanding and the course of these rituals.

    However, inaugural entries were not performed solely by secular rulers, male or female. Popes, bishops, abbots, and envoys (both secular and ecclesiastical) were also honoured with special arrival rituals following their installation in office. Regardless of the rank of the respective dignitaries, these entrées—including those of high‑ranking secular rulers—likewise took place in castles and monasteries.[5] JThese spaces of entry, however, have been far less extensively researched than urban ones.[6] The present contribution therefore focuses on inaugural entries by members of the Habsburg dynasty in Netherlandish cities, not least because both the term and the specific form of the festive joyeuse entrée were particularly familiar in these parts of the Empire.

    Even if the forms of festive staging of entry rituals varied greatly depending on region and tradition, they generally followed a recurring pattern, which underwent minor or more substantial variations according to regional and occasional circumstances. This pattern was structured as follows: a preparatory phase prior to crossing the territorial boundary; the approach of the retinue of the sovereign, male or female, towards the city; the ceremonial reception and welcome by urban dignitaries as well as the various ecclesiastical representatives (occursus); in the case of inaugural entries after the assumption of rule, ceremonies of homage and the presentation of the keys of the city; passage through the city gate (ingressus); procession of the ruling entourage through festively decorated streets (processio) along a predetermined route, past key political and ecclesiastical landmarks of the city to the princely palace or another representative building accommodating the court and retinue; attendance at Mass in the principal or residence church (offertorium); and finally arrival at and entry into accommodation appropriate to rank.[7]

  • Sounds Accompanying Ceremonial Entries

    The sequence described above, together with its various programme elements, was elaborated through a wide range of festive components in which music played a central role. Only a synoptic view of several entry events and their sources conveys an idea of the sonic diversity of these rituals, since descriptions of individual joyeuses entrée, if they mention musical activities at all, do so only in a few marginal remarks. For the most part, these are not very specific, though all the more markedly follow familiar topoi. This, in turn, makes it difficult to characterise and assess each individual joyeuse entrée.

    Whether in the Low Countries or elsewhere, arrival spectacles are described in (late-) medieval chronicles primarily as noisy events. This stems from the medieval understanding that the recognition of the assumption of power and its public proclamation were not only announced through forceful sound, but also effectively enacted and confirmed by the ritual community through loud acoustic utterances.[8]  The essential acoustic markers included the ringing of all ecclesiastical and civic bells, the acclamations and cries of jubilation of the population, cannon and artillery fire, welcoming speeches and oath‑taking ceremonies, as well as the playing of so‑called “loud instruments” — particularly trumpets, kettledrums, and drums (» H. Ch. The Selection of Instruments). In their accounts, the chroniclers repeatedly refer to the large number of silver trumpets involved (» Slide Trumpet,  Instrument Museum).[9]

    These sounded alongside singing and the playing of other instruments from prominent civic and ecclesiastical buildings, such as city gates, town halls, church towers, as well as other permanent and ephemeral architectural structures. Yet trumpeters and other musicians also predominantly sounded their “loud” instruments within the retinues of those participating in the festivities, that is, of the ruler, male or female, as well as of the guilds and confraternities involved. Bells and jingles rang in great numbers from the harnesses of the horses and from the garments of those making their entry.

    Various accounts furthermore mention the urban clergy, who, festively adorned and bearing processional crosses, relics, holy water and candles, processed out singing to meet those making their entry and greeted them at the city gate (see Fig. The clergy welcomes the bishop of Cambrai), as well as the celebration of a festive Mass with the singing of the Te Deum.

    The Te Deum could be performed not only in the context of the liturgical Office, but also as a processional chant. Following the entry procession, further festivities ensued depending on the occasion. If the entry marked an accession, the ruler would often take their oaths at the altar of the principal church, thereby confirming the cities’ privileges and rights. Urban and ecclesiastical dignitaries, or alternatively the ruler and spouse, invited the celebrants to banquets and dancing in the residence or the town hall. Feasts, tournaments, and bonfires were held in public squares (» E. Ch. Royal Election and Bonfires). Such, in brief, are the festive elements and sonic characteristics as they can generally be identified in the Netherlandish and German‑speaking parts of the Empire during the late Middle Ages and extending well into the Early Modern period.[10]

    In the cities of the Low Countries, an individual culture of ceremonial entries developed during the late Middle Ages, with specific characteristics that differed from those in German‑ and Italian‑speaking territories, more closely resembling practices in the French‑ and English‑speaking world. Streets, buildings, and squares were adorned with precious textiles and paintings and were staged through extravagant illuminations, light displays, and fireworks. Theatrical performances were presented. Responsibility for planning, financing, and realisation lay with the civic authorities (most usually in consultation with the court), together with the various guilds and confraternities, above all the >rederijkerskamers<, working collectively with painters’ guilds and merchants of the different “nations”, all of whom appeared in the entry spectacles. As, for example, the municipal accounts for the entry of Archduke Charles from the years 1514 and 1515 demonstrate, planning for the joyeuses entrées began long before the actual date of the festivities and required extensive preparations.[11]

    Particularly the tableaux vivants (“living pictures”; see FIG. Tableau vivant), also referred to as “silent images”, were characteristic of the festive culture of the Low Countries, as also that of England and France. These consisted of theatrical boxes or stages positioned along the official processional route on platforms, wagons, or ships, on which biblical, mythological, historical, and allegorical scenes, coats of arms, or emblems were presented by living performers, who remained silent and motionless. The scenes depicted were often explained by banners with mottos, inscriptions, or by designated speakers.[12] ITheir mode of presentation continues to raise various questions to this day, not least whether they were in fact always truly silent and motionless. Music (not only within the pictorial subjects), symbolic gestures, and moving automata evidently played a significant role.[13] The problem lies in the fact that the chroniclers who inform us about the tableaux say little to nothing about their sonic realisation. This is also true of Molinet, already mentioned above, who notes the tableaux but provides no information whatsoever about the musical festive elements of the joyeuses entrées following Maximilian’s coronation as king. In his festival account, Solemnelle entrée, Remy du Puys likewise offers only extremely sporadic information on musical and sonic activities relating to Archduke Charles’s entry into Bruges in 1515.[14] Rather, he concentrates on a detailed description of the triumphal arches and the individual subjects of the tableaux, which lined the entry route in great numbers and presented the prince with various stages of the city’s history up to the present, as well as idealised forms of courtly conduct and governance. By contrast, if one considers the woodcuts and paintings in the manuscript and printed festival accounts, trumpeters can be seen on the majority of the representative structures. On the city gate, for example, an alta ensemble consisting of one trumpeter and three shawm players greets the archduke as he enters (see FIG. An Alta capella welcomes Archduke Charles at the Kruispoort in Bruges, 1515).

    Abb. Ein Alta-Ensemble begrüßt Erzherzog Karl an der Kruispoort in Brügge, 1515 / An Alta capella welcomes Archduke Charles at the Kruispoort in Bruges, 1515

    Miniatur aus Remy du Puys: Solemnelle entrée faicte sur l’advenement de Charles Archidux d’Autriche en Bruges 1515, A-Wn Cod. 2591, fol. 8r,
    Miniature from Remy du Puys, Solemnelle entrée faicte sur l’advenement de Charles Archidux d’Autriche en Bruges 1515, A-Wn Cod. 2591, fol. 8r,

    Individual subjects within the tableaux further suggest that musicians and singers were involved in the staging. One example is a tableau depicting a courtly company dancing a branle—probably an automaton—or another showing Orpheus seated in a garden, playing either his harp (see FIG. Tableau vivant) or a lira da braccio (» Lira da braccio, Instrument Museum; » H. Ch. The Selection of Instruments).[15]  It is likely, however, that music also accompanied those tableaux that did not present a music‑specific theme. Thus Anthonis de Roovere reports that, on the occasion of the bridal entry of Margaret of York in Bruges in 1468, a wide variety of musicians were to be heard on all the structures. More specifically, however, he mentions only an organist who accompanied the depiction of Alexander and Cleopatra with his playing “in masterly fashion”.[16] That the staging of the tableaux was accompanied by a wide range of musical instruments—mostly “soft” ones—as well as by singing is shown by various accounts. The chroniclers also make clear that singers from different religious communities—boys as well as adults—not only took part in the tableaux vivants but also sang down from towers and other urban architectural structures.[17]

    Although most of the more detailed descriptions of entries and their visual documentation focus on the triumphal arches and tableaux vivants, it can scarcely be assumed that theatrical forms of performance within entrées were limited to these alone. Rather, it is likely that moralities and sacred plays (mystères) in which music played a role were performed frequently. Music was also heard during the festive Mass in the local principal or residence church, as well as on further occasions connected with the respective festive event (banquets, dancing, and tournaments). It may be assumed that settings of Masses, motets, and other genres were composed expressly for such occasions and performed accordingly (» D. Music for Emperor Charles V (1530)). For none of the entries in the Low Countries mentioned here, however, can this be conclusively demonstrated. For a long time it has nevertheless been assumed that the two motets by Benedictus de Opitiis contained in the book Unio pro co[n]servatio[n]e rei publice / Lofzangen ter ere van Keizer Maximiliaan en zij kleinzoon Karel den Vijfden, printed by Jan de Gheet, were performed on the occasion of Archduke Charles’s entry into Antwerp in 1515. Final certainty on this point, however, is lacking (» D. Ch. Printed Polyphonic Praises of the Ruler and the Virgin Mary).[18] Only from the 1540s onwards can specific compositions for entries in the Low Countries be identified: the motet Venite populi terrae by Jean Courtois for Charles V’s entry into Cambrai in 1540, and two motets on the text Quis te victorem dicat by Thomas Crecquillon and Jacobus Clemens non Papa for the entrée of Philip II into Lille in 1549.[19] A few further examples from Italian contexts are known for the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.[20]

[1] Other terms include: “blijde intrede” or “blijde inkomst”, “adventus”, “introitus”, “ingressus”, or “einreyttung”. See Rudolph 2005, 318.

2] On this, see in detail, among others, Eichberger 1988, 47–54, 57f.; 2005; Cauchies 1994; Tammen 2008; 2011 and 2019.

[3] Shortly afterwards, on 21 July 1486, Maximilian carried out a further ceremonial entry into Brussels together with Frederick III and his son Philip. On the series of entries see, among others, Gachard 1876, vol. 1, 109–111, as well as the following note.

[4]  See chap. CXLVIII in Molinet’s Chroniques, Buchon 1828, vol. 3, 93–99.

[6] Chroniclers refer above all to urban entries.

[7] For this model, see representatively Hurlbut 1990, 36–37; Kipling 1998, 176–181; Schenk 2003, 238–242; Rudolph 2005, 319.

[8] Cf. in general on the acoustic embedding of ceremonies: Žak 1979.

[9] Puys 1515 (BnF, RES FOLOC‑1659, https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k1521561n/), without pagination; Dits die Excellente Chronijcke, 1531, C.xxxvi.v, without pagination; Strohm 1985, 76, 80.

[10] On the soundscape of Burgundian entries under the Valois dukes: Strohm 1985, 79–85; Hurlbut 1990, 179–187; 1999. On the late medieval Empire: Bojcov 1997, 99; Rudolph 2005; Kelber 2017 and 2018, 167–201.

[11] Anglo 1973, 18–34.

[12] Strohm 1985, 80-81; Eichberger 1988, 46; Hurlbut 1990, inter alia 188–203.

[13] Eichberger does not count representations that incorporated symbolic gestures among the tableaux in the strict sense. Eichberger 1988, 43. See also Tammen 2019, 350.

[14] Puys’s festival account appeared in both manuscript form (A‑Wn Cod. 2591, https://digital.onb.ac.at/RepViewer/viewer.faces?doc=DTL_6449837&order=1&view=SINGLE) and printed form (BnF, RES FOLOC‑1659, https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k1521561n/). See also the edition by Anglo 1973. In addition to this account, a poem by Jan de Scheereres on the “triumph” of the archduke was published. The musical descriptions are of little specificity; see Mareel 2005.

[15] See Tammen 2019, 345–349 and the two copies of Puys’s festival account from 1515.

[16] Dits die Excellente Chronijcke, 1531, C.xxxvi.v, without pagination.

[17] Strohm 1985, 81-82; Hurlbut 1990, 185-186.; Ramakers 2005, 177.

[20] Vendrix – Fiala 2015, 42–49 (appendices).

Recommended citation:
Margret Scharrer: “Joyeuses entrées in the Low Countries”, in: Musical Life of the Late Middle Ages in the Austrian Region <https://musical-life.net/essays/joyeuses-entrees-den-niederen-landen> (2023).